It’s been called a game changer and the YIMBY Holy Grail, a reference to both the pro-housing movement that has become a force in local and state politics in recent years, and the expected impact it will have on housing production in infamously expensive California cities. Senate Bill 79 has also been labeled a destroyer of neighborhoods, usurper of municipal political power, and a ticking time bomb that will wreck local infrastructure. 

Now, in a highly anticipated decision, Governor Gavin Newsom has signed the bill, which offers a targeted example of what’s called transit-oriented development. Real estate developers will be allowed to build taller, denser residential buildings near high-volume transit lines, with the idea being that nearby access to transit will decrease the need for cars and additional parking while adding a significant number of housing units. Here’s what to know about SB 79.

What is SB 79 and how did it come about?

Repeatedly reworked and moderated during its contentious path through the state legislature, SB79 will upzone areas around major transit stops (rail or bus rapid transit stops), overruling local laws limiting building heights and density. In eight urban counties across the state, mostly in the Bay Area and Southern California: San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Alameda, Sacramento, Los Angeles, San Diego, and Orange, buildings sites within a half-mile of such a stop can build 80 units an acre, up to a height of 55 feet, with more height and density for buildings closer to the station, up to 95 feet tall and 160 units an acre.

YIMBYs have celebrated the law as an antidote to the glacial pace of housing construction in the state. Advocates point to the slow progress of cities in zoning for more housing or getting anywhere close to meeting state-mandated housing goals—known as the Regional Housing Needs Allocation, or RHNA—as a reason why the state needs to overrule local control.

“I believe SB 79 would address that issue in a very meaningful way by really opening up a lot of capacity for mixed-income housing and affordable housing around transit stops, land that historically mixed-income housing and affordable housing is not allowed to be built on,” says Mahdi Maji, Director of Policy at Inner City Law Center. “It’s important housing is built in areas where people have historically been excluded.”

Since it passed, what does that mean?

There aren’t exact figures or estimates on how many such projects will get completed in the first few years; labor and material costs, financing, and the ways the law gets interpreted locally will impact the initial wave of development. But it’s likely to be seen as a significant YIMBY victory, and a source of consternation and pushback for local government and many residents opposed to the plan. 

“If you pass a law like this, you don’t get housing on every eligible parcel overnight,” says Brian Hanlon, president and CEO of California YIMBY. “But the end goal here is to build a ton more housing to make California affordable, so folks don’t have to wake up every morning with a pit of anxiety in their chest, wondering if this is the day they order a U-Haul to Arizona. We want people who live here to be able to build a future here.” 

The most significant change is that SB 79 will allow development in areas and neighborhoods previously meant just for single-family housing. Detractors have been vocal, especially in Los Angeles. Mayor Karen Bass and the City Council—on an 8-5 vote—opposed the bill on the grounds that it negates local zoning control and shoehorns density into inappropriate areas. 

Assemblymember Rick Chavez-Zbur, a Los Angeles Democrat who represents portions of Santa Monica, Beverly Hills, and Hollywood, summed up many constituent’s feelings when he told CalMatters, “This blunt, one-size-fits-all bill will not work for a district like mine. For many Californians, living in a single-family neighborhood fulfills a lifelong dream—the American Dream.”

How much housing could this add?

There aren’t exact figures yet—Hanlon estimates it could mean hundreds of thousands of units over the next decade—but the main advantage of this bill is that it gets rid of zoning distinctions that made previous changes less effective. For instance, municipalities across the state already have local programs to develop denser housing near transit. In Los Angeles, the Transit Oriented Communities (TOC) program provides incentives to build more near transit. 

However, it’s severely limited; it doesn’t allow for building in the three-quarters of Los Angeles that is zoned for single-family homes. SB 79 allows for more density in more places, and that means a much higher ceiling in terms of total units produced. California YIMBY estimates that if 10 percent of the housing allowed by SB 79 were built out in L.A., it would cover roughly two-thirds of the city’s housing shortage (now at roughly 270,000 units).

Why California needs more housing

State data shows the cost of housing in California continues to rise; since 2020, rent is up 30 percent or more in many parts of the state, monthly mortgage payments average $5,900, and houses cost twice as much as they do in other parts of the country. Citizens and cities pay the price, including financial hardships, lower local tax revenue, increased homelessness, and even decreased political representation nationally, as population declines impact Congressional delegations. And cities have struggled to build more units. Take Los Angeles, where housing permits hit a 10-year low last year. While New York City might build 50,000 homes in 2025, Los Angeles has only permitted 3,100 as of July, per CalMatters. 

The bill’s passage also provides a boost to public transit, which has weathered significant pandemic-era ridership drops. It would boost ridership by adding more potential customers near transit stops, and allow for development on land owned by transit agencies, offering additional sources of revenue.

Has a bill like this been proposed before? 

Democrat State Senator Scott Wiener, a progressive San Francisco representative, has been a YIMBY champion for years, and has repeatedly tried to pass laws like SB 79 since 2018. This is the first time he’s been able to get the legislation out of the Senate, passed in the State Assembly, and signed by the Governor, a feat that in part was due to his ability to compromise (the bill went through 13 changes before final approval, including the use of only high-frequency transit stops, and limiting building to mostly urban, not suburban, counties.) 

Wiener has long seen the housing challenge as central to so many other issues facing California, saying in a statement after SB 79 was passed in the legislature, that “decades of overly restrictive policies have driven housing costs to astronomical levels, forcing millions of people away from jobs and transit and into long commutes from the suburbs.

What happens next? 

The law is set to go into effect beginning on July 1, 2026. Signing the bill into law will bolster Governor Newsom’s case that he has taken the housing crisis seriously and taken bold steps forward to fix the state’s more potent policy issue.

In the interim, final maps of the areas that would be impacted by SB 79 need to be created by relevant local authorities, such as the Southern California Association of Governments. In debates around the bill’s passage, local government posted maps with the asterisk that these weren’t final determinations of where SB 79 projects would be built, leading opponents to cry foul; there’s sure to be strong pushback around the creation of the final maps. Many housing advocates across the country will likely be watching to see how SB 79 ultimately works in practice to pass similar bills in statehouses across the country.

Top photo: Adobe Stock

Donald Trump Previously Denied Making Calls for Jeffrey Epstein – Uncovering the Truth Behind Their Relationship

Did you know that court documents from Jeffrey Epstein’s case reveal over 4,000 mentions of Donald Trump, more than any other public figure? It’s a staggering statistic that pulls back the curtain on one of the most talked-about connections in recent history. As I spin a classic vinyl in my cozy den, reminiscing about the scandals that shaped pop culture, this story feels like a hidden B-side track – unexpected, intriguing, and full of revelations. In this deep dive, we’ll explore the facts with an energetic lens, blending nostalgia for simpler times with the raw truth of today’s headlines. Let’s unpack what these phone messages mean, why denials persist, and how it all ties into our ongoing quest for transparency in 2026.

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The facts and timeline of Trump and Epstein’s falling out | PBS News Archival photo showing Trump and Epstein together, a reminder of their documented history.

The History of Trump and Epstein’s Friendship

Trump and Epstein’s paths crossed in the glitzy world of 1980s and 1990s New York, where high-society parties mixed with business deals. Epstein, a financier with mysterious wealth, and Trump, the real estate mogul turned reality TV star, were fixtures in the same elite circles. Reports indicate they met around 1987, with Trump once describing Epstein as a “terrific guy” who liked “beautiful women… on the younger side.” Their bond included shared flights on Epstein’s private jet and visits to each other’s properties, like Mar-a-Lago.

But cracks appeared by the early 2000s. Trump has claimed a falling out over a real estate bidding war in Palm Beach, Florida, where Epstein tried to outbid him for a mansion. This narrative has evolved over time, with Trump later adding that Epstein’s behavior toward a Mar-a-Lago guest prompted the split. Nostalgic for the era’s excess? Check out our post on finding calm in everyday moments for tips on navigating modern chaos.

What the Phone Messages Reveal

Fast-forward to 2004: Police raids on Epstein’s Palm Beach mansion uncovered message pads with calls from Trump. These undated notes, addressed to “J.E.,” simply listed Trump’s phone number – no salacious details, but a clear link during a period when Trump now claims minimal contact. The timing? Just months before Epstein’s legal troubles exploded.

These messages surfaced in recent court releases, part of thousands of pages from Epstein’s 2006 grand jury proceedings. They contradict Trump’s assertions of a complete break, painting a picture of ongoing communication. For more on document transparency, see The New York Times’ coverage here.

pbs.org

First batch of Jeffrey Epstein case documents released by New York …

Newly unsealed Epstein files, including mentions of high-profile figures like Trump.

Trump’s Denials and Changing Stories

Trump’s responses have been a rollercoaster. In 2019, he said he “was not a fan” of Epstein and hadn’t spoken to him in 15 years. By 2025, amid file releases, he called the scandal a “Democrat hoax” and downplayed ties, focusing on Epstein’s Democratic connections. Yet, tapes from author Michael Wolff capture Epstein claiming Trump as his “closest friend for 10 years,” alleging intimate knowledge of Trump’s personal life.

The administration denied cover-ups on redacted files, but victims’ groups pushed for full disclosure. Trump’s team pointed to his ban of Epstein from Mar-a-Lago as proof of distance. For insights into relationship dynamics, link to our article on the four horsemen: contempt in relationships.

The Epstein Island Mystery

Little St. James, Epstein’s infamous private island, looms large in the saga. Trump has vehemently denied visiting, stating in interviews he turned down invitations. Flight logs show Trump on Epstein’s plane seven times, but none to the island. Epstein’s brother confirmed mutual plane use but no island trips for Trump.

Aerial views of the island reveal its isolation, fueling speculation. For eco-travel vibes, check Psychology Today’s take on nurturing your mental fitness amid stressful news.

vpm.org

Financier buys Jeffrey Epstein’s private islands, with plans to …

Little St. James, the site of many allegations, seen from above.

Key Figures in the Scandal

Beyond Trump and Epstein, figures like Bill Clinton (mentioned in files) and Ghislaine Maxwell add layers. Epstein’s emails to Wolff in 2019 claimed “of course [Trump] knew about the girls.” Maxwell, convicted in 2021, recruited victims.

Trump’s ex-wife Marla Maples denied a file claim about warning someone to keep their daughter away from Trump. For more on family bonds, see our guide to cherishing moments together as family.

Implications for Politics Today

In 2026, these revelations underscore calls for accountability. Trump’s signing of a bill for file release came after pressure, but redactions spark debate. It echoes broader themes of power and secrecy. As Riley Kane, I see parallels to music industry exposés – think Rolling Stone’s deep dives here.

Link to our post on understanding digital ethics today for navigating info overload.

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President Donald Trump holds a press conference with Attorney …

 Trump addressing the media, often deflecting questions on Epstein.

What the Victims Say

Victims’ attorney Bradley Edwards noted Trump was helpful in 2009, answering calls and providing info – the only high-profile figure to do so without subpoena. Victims demand full unredacted files, emphasizing justice over politics. Their stories remind us of resilience; for wellness tips, visit Harvard Health here.

Calls for Transparency in 2026

With the current date marking a new year, transparency is key. Trump’s administration faced criticism for delays, but recent releases offer glimpses. What else might surface? For staying informed, explore our exploring ai tools for jobs to fact-check efficiently.